Текущая ситуация

[hracher]

Это конечно оффтоп, но больше негде писать. У кого-нибудь сохранилась ссылка на видео, где полицейский УАЗик проезжает сквозь толпу митингующих?

[mazd]

Довольно резко... :hm:

[eRuben]

etpisi videoela eghel?

[mazd]

Wall Street Journal

European Edition

March 13, 2008

OPINION

Combustible Caucasus

By SABINE FREIZER

March 13, 2008

While most of the world was watching the elections-cum-coronation in Russia

earlier this month, in a far corner of the former Soviet empire, the fallout

of another fraudulent poll left at least eight dead and over a hundred

injured. Sadly, the violence in the wake of Armenia's presidential election,

though a first in the streets of the capital Yerevan, follows a dangerous

pattern now all too familiar in the South Caucasus.

The oft-repeated scenario goes like this: First, irregularities and

allegations of fraud mar elections. Then, the opposition organizes mass

demonstrations in protest. Finally, the police are sent out and use

excessive force to beat protesters off the streets. This has become such a

routine in Armenia and Azerbaijan that the parties facing the polls now seem

to spend as much time preparing for the post-election showdown as

campaigning for votes. The same also appears to be underway in the run-up to

May's parliamentary elections in Georgia, where a government crackdown on

peaceful protests in November set the scene for January's presidential poll.

Few in the region believe they can change the government peacefully through

the ballot box. Too many elections have been spoiled by bad or very bad

counting, intimidation of opposition activists, ballot-stuffing, multiple

voting, biased election commissions, use of state resources to support the

government-backed candidate, and skewed media coverage during the campaign.

Rather then fully investigate claims of election-related violations, the

country's elections bodies and courts dismiss them.

This was not the post-Soviet reality many had hoped for. After the South

Caucasus republics won their independence following the Soviet Union's

collapse, everyone spoke of their transition to democracy. Several wars and

many sham elections later, the transition seems stalled at best.

The international community is partially to blame. Election observation in

this region is the remit of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in

Europe, but many international observers do not wait for the OSCE's full and

final assessment before casting judgement themselves. Foreign

parliamentarians participating in the short-term yet high-profile side of

monitoring the election-day voting are often too eager to give a seal of

approval to the poll. Their aim is usually political: To support the

incumbent or government-backed candidate in the name of "regional stability"

or simply to help keep particular allies in power.

But the OSCE has another arm, the far more technocratic Office for

Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, ODIHR, which is on the ground for

weeks or even months to evaluate how the elections are run. Their staff do

not grab the kind of headlines the visiting dignitaries do, but their

judgements are usually far more credible.

The result of this dual assessment is that the international community often

first embraces the government's election result, thereby bolstering their

claim to legitimacy, only to later release a detailed account of violations

tarnishing that victory. Both winners and losers thus have their arguments

reinforced, further eroding trust in the process.

In Armenia, this scenario has played out once more, with Western leaders

again preferring to support incumbents or their preferred successors who

appear to represent "stability." Soon after the poll, the EU's Commissioner

for Foreign Relations, Benita Ferrero-Waldner, declared that, "considerable

progress had been achieved," while commending the people of Armenia and its

leaders on their victory.

ODIHR, under pressure from Russia and other states who want to weaken its

election observation methodology, released a relatively mild preliminary

statement saying the election was "mostly in line" with Armenia's

international commitments. Even so, it documented serious abuses, including

partisan election commissions, pressure on public sector employees to vote

for the pro-government candidate, allegations of vote buying, and a biased

media.

As a result Prime Minister Serge Sarkisian claimed victory with 53% of the

votes, while former President Levon Ter-Petrossian, who got 21%, refused to

concede defeat and called for the inevitable street protests.

Mr. Ter-Petrossian was probably trying to follow the model of the color

revolutions in Georgia (2003) and Ukraine (2004). After fraudulent polls and

in the face authoritarian leadership, the Armenian opposition felt that it

could change things by getting people into the streets, as happened in those

neighboring countries. But when governments are willing to respond to

protests with excessive force, this formula often doesn't work, as we have

seen in Azerbaijan (2003), Georgia (2007) and now Armenia, and puts the

opposition in peril.

We're likely to watch this show again in Georgia's parliamentary elections

in a few months time and autumn's presidential poll in Azerbaijan. Unless,

that is, the EU and the U.S. take a new tack by supporting these countries'

institutions rather than individual leaders. They need to make it clear that

another round of fraudulent elections will not be tolerated, and that

censure rather than handshakes will be on offer for those who try to steal

elections.

Seventeen years after the fall of the Soviet Union, all these countries

should know by now how to conduct a proper poll. It is time for local

authorities, and their foreign partners, to show the necessary political

will to restore trust in the democratic process to avoid further bloodshed

in the South Caucasus and elsewhere in the former Soviet Union.

Ms. Freizer is Europe program director at the International Crisis Group.

[Злодиюка]

получил письмо

Hargeli hayrenakitsner,

Dzer electronayin posti hascennere vertsvel ein Spyur-2008 haykakan deghekatuic ev ayl nmanatip deghekagreruc u web-siteruc.

Gits khndrvum e kardal tarber nyuter irakanum kadarvats depqeru masin. Qani vor mer sireli Hayastanum teghi kunena lratvutyan annakhadep shrjapakum (nuynisk Azatutyun radiogayan cher ashkhati), apa suyn mijotsov menq npatakmy khedapndenq ` voch pashdonakan lureri taratsum.

Hayer, ardnaceq bolord, Hayastanum 1937 tvagann e ekel!

Khory vshdaktsutyamb ktsavaktsenq mer zohvats yexbayrneri endaniknerun. Yerkar espasetsinq, sakayn hnaravorutyun my chunetsanq pashdonapes sgalu mer nahatakvats hayrenakitsneri hamar.

Irakan lurer Hayastanic

[ZepStam]

Это конечно оффтоп, но больше негде писать. У кого-нибудь сохранилась ссылка на видео, где полицейский УАЗик проезжает сквозь толпу митингующих?

[mazd]

ANNOUNCEMENT

We, the legal representatives of those persons, who following the mass violence on March 1 and 2, 2008 have been placed in different police departments and detention places by the law enforcement bodies, are making an announcement regarding President R. Kocharyan's Decree from March 1, 2008 disputing its correspondence to the provisions of the European Convention of Human Rights.

We consider that the Decree of the President of the Republic of Armenia contradicts Articles 6 and 10 of the European Convention of Human Rights and that the Republic of Armenia being one of the High Contracting parties to the Convention has thus fell short in meeting the taken responsibilities.

Although the justification of introducing State of Emergency was the urgent need of preventing the threats to the constitutional order, as well as the protection of the rights of the citizens, the restrictions imposed by the Decree resulted in the creation of a state of fear, terror, as well as violent infringement of the rights of the same citizens.

At the same time it should be mentioned that the actions of the pre-investigation bodies are presently completely out of any surveillance.

In particular point 4 of the Decree puts restriction on holding meetings, public rallies, demonstrations, marches and other mass events, the coverage of state and domestic political issues by mass media can be realized solely within the limits of the official information from state bodies.

This allows for restriction and control of de facto, effective implementation of our defense activities, as the exercise of defense activities presupposes also public hearings under close attention of human rights organizations, which is not being done.

At his March 5 Press Conference the President of the Republic of Armenia directly accused the opposition, and the pre-investigation bodies use this accusation as a guideline. The principle of presumption of innocence was breached when the President voiced the names of those whom he accused.

One-sided, provocative and accusative propaganda of official media is broadcasted by all means of mass media, by which the alternative way of thinking is excluded, including presentation of views and opinions coming from defensive rights of our clients

Moreover, RA President also harshly criticized RA Ombudsman, who simply mentioned some of the facts of continuous infringement of the rights of peaceful demonstrators: keeping people in different police departments without any legal basis, not providing any information to relatives, application of mass violence and continuous facts of not providing sufficient time and possibilities for preparation to defense.

Thus this Decree should be viewed as a state act, which contradicts both the Constitution of the Republic of Armenia and the ECHR.

On behalf of other lawyers Varduhi Elbakyan, lawyer

[Nakomichi]

Из той же серии - слышал, что ЛТП обращался к Березовскому для финансирования своей охраны...

[mazd]

check this out

http://martimek.livejournal.com/10031.html?mode=reply

[ZepStam]

продеть нитку сквозь ушко иголки

подразумевается, что нитка входит в отверстие и выходит из него с другого конца

" проезд УАЗика "сквозь" толпу митингующих "

после этих слов не нужно даже смотреть видео, это ужасно

сын Сосковца наехал на остановку где стояло 7 таджиков, если мне не изменяет память погибло пятеро человек

Не трудно "представить" сколько человек погибло бы если бы УАЗик проехал бы "сквозь толпу митингующих", но одно можно с уверенностью сказать раненных и переломанных было бы в несколько раз больше.

примерно такая картина складывается у большинства читающих подобные "случайно заданные" вопросы

[Nakomichi]

check this out

http://martimek.livejournal.com/10031.html?mode=reply

[Злодиюка]

блин

неужели объязательно постить такие линки?

Мазд джан

ай ахпер

не надо.. ПОЖАЛУЙСТА

[eRuben]

ZepStam, никаких трюков, ты слишком мнителен. В блоге зашла речь об этом эпизоде в связи с заявлениеми депутата Сафаряна и генпрокуратуры, вот и хотел найти видео. Я так понимаю, что УАЗик далеко не проехал...его сожгли по-моему.

[mazd]

а это важно?

[Nakomichi]

Думаю что важно. Здесь обсуждается тема выборов. А это может последствия перестрелки в риодежанейро в 94 году. К примеру.

Хотя и страшно по любому, но как понять, что это Армения, ночь с 1го на 2ое марта?