Парламент Армении 2007

[crimson]

выбиты стекла? :wow: уж не наши ли это знакомые :hehe:

[tiko]

Вот и задействовали господа лысые свою домашнюю заготовку. Дальнейшее развитие событий с некоторыми неточностями описано здесь.

http://forum.openarmenia.com/index.php?sho...ndpost&p=505409

[free]

Armenia's murky politics

Apr 11th 2007

From the Economist Intelligence Unit ViewsWire

Campaigning begins for a rigged election

Campaigning for Armenia’s parliamentary election, scheduled for May 12th, began officially on April 8th. The contest will be watched closely by foreign observers, as it could predetermine the fate of the country’s political leadership. Victory in the legislative election is seen as crucial to President Robert Kocharian’s apparent plan to hand over power to his most influential associate, Serzh Sarkisian, who became prime minister on April 4th following the death in office of premier Andranik Markarian. Mr Kocharian, in power since 1998, also seems keen to retain a key role in government after completing his second and final term in office early next year.

The president and Mr Sarkisian will therefore go to great lengths to ensure that the former Soviet republic’s parliament continues to be dominated by their political allies. The latter are tipped to grab the vast majority of parliament seats through a combination of vote-rigging, vote-buying and control of the media. For this reason, there is widespread scepticism about government assurances that the elections will put an end to Armenia’s post-Soviet history of electoral fraud.

By fair means or foul

Twenty-eight parties and about two hundred individual candidates have filed for registration with the Central Election Commission to vie for 131 seats in Armenia’s National Assembly. Ninety of those seats will be up for grabs under the system of proportional representation, with the remaining 41 seats to be contested in nationwide constituencies on the first-past-the-post basis.

With credible opinion polls practically non-existent in the country, it is not easy to gauge the electoral chances of various contenders. Popularity alone will not guarantee success. In terms of ability to secure the largest number of votes, the clear frontrunner is the Republican Party of Armenia (HHK). Nominally headed by Mr Markarian until his death, it has over the past year come increasingly under the control of Mr Sarkisian.

The HHK is a typical post-Soviet “party of power” mainly comprising senior government officials, civil servants, and wealthy business people dependent on government connections. It can wield enormous administrative resources, through control of the electoral process coupled with voter intimidation and heavy televised propaganda. The Armenian press has been awash with reports of local government chiefs being instructed by party bosses to earn the HHK a particular number of votes in their respective areas at any cost or risk dismissal. Accordingly, they have reportedly been forcing scores of public sector employees such as doctors and schoolteachers to join the governing party.

The HHK’s de facto takeover by Mr Sarkisian in mid-2006 has also meant that it now enjoys the crucial backing of most members of the country’s business elite. The so-called “oligarchs” often hold sway in a particular part of the country and are in a position to bully and/or bribe voters. Many of them already helped the HHK win the previous parliamentary elections that were judged to be undemocratic by Western observers. There are no indications that the HHK will be seeking to prevail by more legitimate means this time around. A strong HHK showing is vital for the realisation of Mr Sarkisian’s presidential ambitions.

Kocharian’s choice

That Mr Sarkisian, widely regarded as Armenia’s second most powerful man, is Mr Kocharian’s preferred successor seems a given. Both men are natives of Nagorny-Karabakh who played a major role in the Armenian-populated disputed enclave’s 1991-1994 secessionist war with Azerbaijan. They have worked in tandem and jointly weathered many political storms since moving to top government positions in Yerevan in the late 1990s.

The question is just how strong Mr Kocharian would like his heir apparent to be. The 52-year-old president made it clear last December that he will not become “Armenia’s youngest pensioner” after leaving office, suggesting that he wants to continue to pull the government strings in some official capacity. There is mounting speculation that he is eying the post of prime minister. Whatever Mr Kocharian’s exact intentions, it is evident that he is trying to secure his political future by covertly sponsoring another election favourite: the Prosperous Armenia Party (BHK) of Gagik Tsarukian, the wealthiest of the local oligarchs.

The BHK launched its activities little more than a year ago and claims to have since recruited as many as 370,000 members, or 12% of the Armenian state’s population. The party is capitalising on its leader’s vast financial resources, which are being spent on distribution of agricultural relief, free medical aid, and other public services to large numbers of impoverished people. The aid, condemned as a wholesale buying of votes by opposition and even some HHK leaders, is earning Mr Tsarukian a populist appeal that should translate into solid voter support for his party on polling day. BHK supporters are too disillusioned with the traditional Armenian parties to care about a huge disparity between Mr Tsarukian’s conspicuous wealth and modest taxes levied from his businesses.

Expert opinion differs only on whether the BHK was set up as a counterweight to the governing HHK or as a powerful addition to the government camp. Despite occasional signs of friction and mutual jealousy, the two parties are unlikely to openly clash both during and in the wake of the May 12th vote. Furthermore, there is a conspiracy theory that they have already amicably divided most parliament seats between themselves and form a coalition government.

Divided opposition

The BHK phenomenon makes it easier for the Kocharian-Sarkisian duo to prevent their political opponents from having a strong presence in the next Armenian parliament. Their task is further facilitated by the failure of Armenia’s leading opposition parties to form electoral alliances. Voters hostile to the government will have a hard time picking one of more than a dozen opposition contenders with virtually identical platforms. Many of them might therefore not bother to vote at all.

The three largest opposition parties are led by Mr Kocharian’s two main challengers in the 2003 presidential election, Stepan Demirchian and Artashes Geghamian, and former parliament speaker Artur Baghdasarian. The latter’s pro-Western Country of Law Party was forced out of the governing coalition in May 2006. All three opposition leaders feel that they are popular enough to do well on their own. Only Mr Demirchian has considered teaming up with several smaller opposition parties, notably the Republic Party of Aram Sarkisian (no relation to the defense minister), a former prime minister who is the regime’s most dangerous and uncompromising foe.

Those parties failed to reach agreement even among themselves, reportedly bickering over who should be the would-be bloc’s top leader. Only two of them, Republic and the Heritage Party of the US-born former Foreign Minister Raffi Hovannisian, stand a chance of clearing the 5% threshold for entering parliament under the proportional system. The Armenian opposition also failed to put into practice Republic’s idea of fielding common candidates in the 41 single-mandate electoral districts. The individual constituencies are usually swept by wealthy pro-government candidates, and this is likely to happen once again on May 12th.

With the election likely to follow an all too familiar pattern, there is a strong possibility of joint opposition demonstrations in Yerevan in the immediate aftermath of the polls. Whether or not the opposition can pull large crowds is a different matter. Its most recent attempt to topple the government with a campaign of street protests ended in failure in spring 2004.

Aid in the balance

The US and the EU have repeatedly warned that a repeat of serious vote irregularities would be fraught with negative consequences for the Armenian authorities. The US, in particular, has tied provision of US$235 million in economic assistance to Armenia, promised under the Bush administration’s Millennium Challenge Account (MCA), to the proper conduct of the elections. But Washington will likely tread carefully now that Armenia and Azerbaijan seem to have made substantial progress towards a resolution of the Karabakh conflict, a key US foreign policy aim in the region. US and other diplomats involved in Armenian-Azerbaijani peace talks say the conflicting parties will try to cut a peace deal during the period between the Armenian legislative elections and presidential ballots due in both Armenia and Azerbaijan next year.

Assuming that it really sees a chance for Karabakh peace, Washington will hardly undercut the Kocharian administration if the polls are marred by serious fraud. The EU may likewise exercise caution, even though it has warned that a clean vote is a necessary condition for Armenia’s participation in the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) framework for privileged ties with the bloc. Yet even the prospect of being left out of ENP or not receiving the badly needed MCA funds will hardly force Armenia’s two top leaders to finally hold an election according to Western standards—for them, far too much is at stake.

http://www.economist.com/agenda/displaysto...tory_id=8993685

[free]

Will Armenia turn orange?

19:09 | 11/ 04/ 2007

MOSCOW. (Political analyst Nikolai Vavilkin for RIA Novosti) - This year will be one of the most important in Armenia's post-Soviet independent history.

With the parliamentary election set for May 2007 and the presidential election for March 2008, this South Caucasian republic is in for 12 months of intense election battles.

The winner of the presidential race could be determined by the parliamentary election. Under the 2005 constitution, the party that wins control of parliament will nominate the prime minister and the speaker, and will have an opportunity to fight for the presidency in 2008.

Presidential elections in all former Soviet republics carry the risk of political upheavals. There has not been a change of power at all in some of them, including Kazakhstan and other Central Asian republics. But elections in Ukraine and Georgia were accompanied by upheavals later called "orange" or "color" revolutions, with public clashes, turbulent demonstrations, and a transfer of power to a new, less legitimate government.

When election results are contested in a former Soviet republic, the West, represented by state and supra-national democratic institutions, usually denounces the excessive use of administrative resources by the ruling party. Partly with that as a justification, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE), the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), the European Union, the administrations of the United States and EU countries, and other Western agencies invariably take the side of the force that contests the election results.

The pro-government political parties in Armenia appear to have the strongest positions now. Many believe that they will share victory in the parliamentary elections and therefore posts in the government and the leadership of the new parliament. This is quite likely because the current Armenian opposition parties are dependent on their leaders, and the general public knows very little, if anything, about their programs.

The forces that rely on Western political and social values and development paths stand apart from the other opposition parties. One of them is the party of the former speaker of parliament, Artur Bagdasaryan. Another is the movement led by Raffi Ovannisyan, former minister of foreign affairs and a U.S. national who has become an Armenian citizen.

Inspired by the example of neighboring countries, the new pro-Western forces in Armenia attend all meetings of international organizations, tirelessly proclaim their commitment to European values, and complain that Armenia is so far not up to the European mark.

European organizations give such figures a pat on the back and try to involve them in their activities. Some of these figures have earned quite a reputation, while others are staying in the shadows, and their involvement in the work of foreign organizations has so far remained unnoticed by the Armenian, let alone Russian, public.

Shavarsh Kocharyan, a deputy in the Armenian parliament, was on the Armenian delegation to PACE for several years and was removed in 2006. This, however, has not stopped him from maintaining, and possibly strengthening, his ties with that influential European body. Since leaving, Kocharyan has been invited to Strasbourg three times, attending PACE meetings on trips paid for by the organization.

The heads of the Council of Europe's observer missions at elections are traditionally appointed by one of the CE parties on a rotating basis. When the head of a mission for the Armenian elections was selected, it was the turn of the European Democrats, a party dominated by ethnic Russians. Many expected that the post would be given to a Russian, but the PACE Bureau changed the rules of the game, and the post was given to Leo Platvoet of the Netherlands.

A change in Armenia's policy, or a political destabilization of the republic, could undermine Russia's influence in the region, which largely depends on its alliance with Armenia. Therefore, Russia needs Armenia to remain stable and stick to the same policies after the parliamentary and presidential elections. It will also benefit if the forces wishing to strengthen the alliance with Russia remain at the country's helm.

The opinions expressed in this article are the author's and do not necessarily represent those of RIA Novosti.

http://en.rian.ru/analysis/20070411/63489426.html

[free]

В тему.

Exiled Armenian journalist faces deportation

An Armenian journalist living in exile in Britain has been taken from her Salford home by immigration officers and informed that she will be deported tomorrow. MediaWise, the media ethics charity, say that Gina Khachatryan was taken to the Yarlswood detention centre on Monday with her husband, Vahan, and their five-year-old daughter, Elen.

It appears that the home office are on the verge of making a terrible mistake here. Ms Khachatryan, a broadcast journalist was imprisoned in Armenia after witnessing and speaking out about electoral fraud. The family fled to Britain after she was released from jail in September 2003. She has been studying child care at Bury College. Elen, who speaks only English, is settled and happy at a Rochdale school.

It is believed that Ms Khachatryan could be in danger if she is returned to Armenia. The present plan involves her flying first to Malta, then to Moscow and on to Yerevan, the Armenian capital. She is so scared of returning to her home country that she would prefer to stay in Russia.

If journalists want more information, it may be able to reach Ms Khachatryan at the detention centre (Tel: 01234-821000). She is in room 250. Another key contact is Sue Arnall, of the Castaways organisation, based in Bury (Tel: 0161-764-9205).

I understand that the Manchester Evening News are about to run a story sympathetic to her plight. But time is running out...

http://blogs.guardian.co.uk/greenslade/200...nalist_fac.html

[free]

՚ՈՐՏԵՂ ՈՒԶԵՄ, ԱՅՆՏԵՂ ԷԼ ԿՊԱՐԵՄՙ[20:53]

12 Ապրիլի, 2007

Ո՞վ է ասել, որ Բաղրամյան փողոցը պարելու տեղ չէ: Որտեղ ուզեմ, այնտեղ էլ կպարեմՙ,- այսօր ասացին մի խումբ ՀՀ քաղաքացիներ եւ Բաղրամյան-Դեմիրճյան խաչմերուկում շուրջպար կազմակերպեցին: Հիշեցնենք, որ ՚Բաղրամյան փողոցւ պարելու տեղ չէՙ արտահայտության հեղինակը նախկին պաշտպանության նախարար, ներկայիս ՀՀ վարչապետ եւ Հանրապետական կուսակցության նախագահ Սերժ Սարգսյանն է:

Պարոն Սարգսյանն իր այդ հայտարարությամբ փորձել էլ արդարացնել 2004թ-ին ապրիլի 12-ի լույս 13-ին Բաղրամյան պողոտայում սեփական ժողովրդի նկատմամբ իշխանությունների կազմակերպած հատուկ օպերացիան, որի ընթացքում ՀՀ զինված ուժերը շուրջկալի մեջ վերցրեցին խաղաղ ցուցարարներին եւ մահակներով, ջրցան մեքենաներով եւ արցունքաբեր գազով հարձակվեցին նրանց վրա: Նշենք նաեւ ապրիլի 12-ի լույս 13-ի դեպքերի նպատակը ամենեւին ժողովրդին ցրելը չէր, քանի որ զինված ուժերը նրանց փախչելու հնարավորություն չտվեցին. դեռ ավելին փախչողներին հետապնդում էին նույնիսկ մինչեւ Մաշտոցի պողոտա եւ ծեծի ենթարկում:

ՀՀ օրինապահները ծեծի էին ենթարկում անխտիր բոլորին: 2004թ.-ին իշխանությունները մտան նաեւ ընդդիմադիր ուժերի գրասենյակները՝ ավերեցին եւ ջարդեցին ամեն-ինչ, իսկ ամենաակտիվ ընդդիմադիրներին ձերբակալեցին: Այսօր ՚Որտեղ ուզեմ, կպարեմՙ խորագրով միջոցառման մասնակիցները, հիշեցնելով ապրիլի 12-ի լույս 13-ի դեպքերը, ասացին. ՚Ցանկացած նման գործողություն չպետք է անուշադրության մատնվի եւ անպատիժ մնա: Ապրիլի 12-ը պետք է դատապարտվի՝ նման դեպքերի կանխարգելման համար:

Բաղրամյանը պարելու տեղ չէ` արտահայտությունը առնվազն ցինիզմի դրսեւորում է: Ինձ որեւէ մեկը չպետք է ասի, թե որտեղ պարեմ եւ ինչպես պարեմ: Սա պետք է հասկանան բոլորը, այդ թվում՝ իշխանություններըՙ: Ակցիայի մասնակիցներից մեկն ասաց, որ ինքը 2004թ-ի ապրիլի 12-ին ծեծի չի ենթարկվել, սակայն միանում է ծեծվածներին. ՚Չեմ կարծում, որ մարդկանց ծեծելով՝ հնարավոր չէ լռեցնել նրաց:

Դա միշտ հակառակ ազդեցություն է ունենում: Ես դատապարտում եմ նման մեթոդներըՙ: Այսօր Բաղրամյան պողոտայում պարողների շարքում նաեւ սփյուռքահայեր կային. ՚Ես դատապարտում եմ ոչ միայն 2004թ-ի ապրիլի 12-ի դեպքերը, այլեւ 1996թ.-ի. 2003թ.-ի եւ ընդհանրապես Հայաստանում տեղի ուենացած բոլոր բռնությունները: Կարծում եմ` գոնե ՀՀ-ում հայի հետ չպետք է այդպես վարվենՙ:

http://www.a1plus.am/amu/?page=issue&iid=47850

[mazd]

Сегодня на площади Свободы в 19:00 состоится митинг "Альтернативы", а после этого состоится марш-акция с пластиковыми бутылками (помните, что молодой парень был приговорен к сроку в 2 года за то, что защищался от дубинол полицейских пластиковой бутылкой) к проспекту Баграмяна...

Присоединяйтесь - будет весело!

[Grig777]

Сегодня я решил посмотреть рекламный блок 1 канала.

Сел поудобнее ,взял в руки секундамер.

И знаете что у меня получилось?

Ролик партии например РПА длилась 1:58 секунд.Ролик Парии дашнакцутюн почему то 2:40 секунд.Ролик партии Баргавач 4:45

А по закону эти ролики должны длится не больше 2 минут по моему.

Может я в чем то не прав?

[Kornelij Glas]

Может доплатили? бесплатно- 2 минуты, хотя все возможно в нашем Датском королевстве

[mazd]

Да, вдобавок можно взять по-моему до 4-х минут в день, конечно заплатив за это удовольствие. Так, Импичмент на прошлой неделе запустил 5-минутный ролик... :rolleyes:

[Гость Funky]

У баргавача две минуты за одну идут. Инфляция.

[Grig777]

Может доплатили? бесплатно- 2 минуты, хотя все возможно в нашем Датском королевстве

[free]

http://www.heritage.am/files/rolik2.wmv

Ролик Наследия

Раффи Ованисян и Арто Тунчбояджян

голосуем :diana:

[free]

на сайте а1плюс проводиться голосование.

Вопрос кого бы вы избрали,

если бы выборы в Парламент Армении

проходили в это воскресенье?

результаты радуют:

1. партия Жарангутюн 23%

2. Дашнакцутюн 19%

3. Импичмент 11%

4. партия Оринац Еркир 9%

5. партия Анрапетутюн 7%

6. Респуюликанская партия Армении 6%

7. АОД 5%

остальные партии не дотягивают до 5% барьера

время 17:27 19 апреля 2007г.

число проголосовавших - 151

http://www.a1plus.am/ru/

[utkarsh]

результаты радуют:

1. партия Жарангутюн 23%

2. Дашнакцутюн 19%

3. Импичмент 11%

4. партия Оринац Еркир 9%

5. партия Анрапетутюн 7%

6. Респуюликанская партия Армении 6%

7. АОД 5%

остальные партии не дотягивают до 5% барьера