- KONSTANTIN MIKHAILOVICH PKHAKADZE
Born 1957 Duty Electrician
First Sulfuric Acid Shop (SKTs-1) Sumgait Super phosphate Plant
Resident at Building 5A, Apartment 8 Block 1 Sumgait
On February 21, 1988, from one of my colleagues, SKTs-1 Senior Machinist Ilgam Gummetov, I learned of an anti-Armenian demonstration planned for the 28th. Well at the time of course I took it as a joke, although I did know of the events at Karabagh. I couldn't imagine that the events in Karabagh could turn against the Sumgait Armenians. My wife is an Armenian, her name is Naira.
So at the time I thought it was a joke. I hoped that our police would protect us, that the authorities would keep the peace. Myself, I was a warrant officer in the Soviet Army, served three years in Hungary, and so I knew that they always keep the peace, the way I kept the peace for the peaceful population. Well, so I just didn't take it seriously. The next incident occurred on the 26th: I worked the last day of the week, the first shift, and left work at around four o'clock in the afternoon. I was returning from work through the square, the central one, Lenin Square. I see a crowd shouting something, people near the podium are upset about something. They have microphones, there are 40 to 50 people near the podium. They are shouting and are all stirred up. They were government microphones, given out by the government; they had to be, because that's the only place you can get them. Well naturally when you go by you start to listen. And of course after 30 years I have learned some of the Azerbaijani language, I understand a little. I was born in Sumgait. I start listening to find out what they want.
They're shouting, "Ka-ra-bagh! Ka-ra-bagh! We won't give Karabagh to the Armenians." And on the 26th at work they had just read Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev's speech in which he says that Karabagh would not be transferred to Armenia, that all politically conscious Soviet citizens should take an intelligent attitude on the subject, and correspondingly, not disturb the peace, not create panic . . .
So the situation at the square was so wild that I even laughed about it with some Azerbaijani friends who were there: what are they after, they're going to put a stop to this, give them 15 days in jail, and they'll be pretty careful for a long time after that. I laughed at it. It was so crazy, so unacceptable to my way of thinking, that I just couldn't take it seriously. And I didn't even think of what Iglam Gummetov had told me on the 21st because it was all so farfetched, so unheard of in our lives, that it was just impossible to take it seriously. I went home. Everything was fine, everyone was resting. My wife had not yet used up her vacation time, my father is retired, and my child is young; now he's thirteen months old. So I sit with them and eat after work. And then I think I'll go and see what's happening on the square.
It was probably around five o'clock. I go to the square and stand there, listening. Among those speaking is one who definitely describes himself as the "leader." He's speaking Azerbaijani. The idea of what he is saying is: Fellow Muslims, I came here from Kafan, and my compatriots have come with me. In Kafan they sliced up my wife's brother, my wife's husband, my mother, and several of my relatives and friends. And he was listing something or other. I won't try to say the things I didn't understand, because if I didn't understand it myself I can't translate it. He said comrades, we were left without shelter, without a roof over our heads. From his speech you were to conclude, "Armenians off Azerbaijani soil! They should vacate their apartments. We need places to live, he says, we have to drive the Armenians away so we can live here." He says, "We fled from Kafan." That was on the first day. February 26.
The Leader's appearance. He had a longish face, if you can say that, a long face, and he had a beard and a narrow moustache. He had an expensive hat (I don't know, I've never suffered from an excess of money. I've never worn expensive hats, I don't even know what kinds they all are, I don't know if his is mink or nutria), and it's brown, furniture brown. He has an Eskimo dogskin coat, I distinctly remember noticing that. So he was about 5' 11" tall. I immediately noticed that since he was taller than me, a little taller, and probably a little stronger, too. He was strong, lean, and had high cheekbones. Despite the fact that he was strong, he was very lean, all the same.
On the 26th I stood there until six-thirty or seven. At around seven o'clock the crowd set off toward Druzhba street. It was about that same number, 40 to 50, that set off. I could tell it was 40 to 50 because I served in a battery with 40-50 men in it, and I know there were about that many the first day.
On the second day, on February 27, I got up at around ten o'clock, washed, shaved, put myself in order, and ate breakfast. When I got up, they were already at it with the public address system. Block 1 is quite close to Lenin Square, and since you can hear the public address [PA] system halfway across town, you can pick out individual phrases if you're where we live. So we could hear the PA system, we could hear shouting again, and more speeches and demands. I tell my wife that I'm going to see what's going on. I run into some acquaintances on the square. They tell me you better not hang around. They're starting to break up Armenian booths here, the booths where Armenians work; they're breaking windows in house where Armenians live, and you better leave; you may be a Georgian, but your wife's an Armenian. I joke and say if you don't tell them no one will know, and if you tell them it means you're tired of living, because I'll pay you back in my own way. If I'm still alive. So that's how I'm joking with them. It was all in jest. So when I leave—I leave at around eleven o'clock—there were already some 200 to 300 people on the square. Near the podium. There were other people all over the square, individuals standing there, people who were curious, watching it like it was a theater performance—at that time there was no other way to look at the whole demonstration, that rally, that witches' sabbath. That's the best word for it, witches' sabbath. There was simply no other way to view it at the time. Just like a theater performance. Well there were fairly many people who were just curious. I was one myself.
That day I notice the exact same Leader. The second day he was repeating the same things: that his wife's relatives had been killed, and some of his relatives had been killed. But—and there was a "but"—he added that in Kafan there is a dorm for Azerbaijani girls, and Armenians broke in there and raped all the girls and cut their breasts off, which I didn't believe, of course, because that's a purely Muslim thing to do, to cut the breasts off women who are loose. That's why the whole thing seemed like a performance. The Leader closed his speech with "Armenians off Azerbaijani soil! Death to the Armenians!" In his speech he also trotted out the phrase "Blood for blood." I also remember that vividly.
Then sometime around one o'clock in the afternoon, maybe it was before two, Bayramova, the Second Secretary of the City Party Committee, gave a speech. She said, "My Muslim brothers! (Gardashlar musulmanlar!) There is no need to kill the Armenians. Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev said that no one is taking Karabagh away, no one is going to encroach upon the territory of Karabagh, the territory was and will remain Azerbaijani." And at the end of her speech she said, "Let the Armenians leave Azerbaijani soil freely, give them the chance to leave." That's just how she said it, "Let the Armenians leave Azerbaijani soil freely." I already gave my testimony at the Moscow Procuracy, to the Moscow KGB, and I'm repeating here the same thing I said there. An investigator came from the Azerbaijani Procuracy, and I gave the same testimony on Bayramova's speech to him.
After Bayramova several regular Azerbaijanis gave speeches, if you can call them regular, if you can call them just plain Azerbaijanis, people. Really they were witches in the sabbath, that's what you'd have to call them, because that's what it was. I can't think of any other word to describe what was happening there. Several of the rank-and-file people from the crowd gave speeches and appealed to the crowd with calls for "Death to the Armenians!"
Around three o'clock I was absent for about half an hour in order to eat lunch. I ate lunch with my family and returned to the square. Bayramova was on the podium, and the Leader and five others were there. They were all dressed pretty well, like educated, intelligent Azerbaijanis.
Around four o'clock Muslimzade shows up. Maybe it was just after four when he appeared. It's not true that he was out of town on the 27th. As soon as he came, Bayramova left. They met on the staircase to the podium. So Muslimzade appeared and stood around for 15 to 20 minutes. While he was there the Leader gave the same speech as the first time: again he said that his relatives were killed, that the girls in the dormitory were raped, that their breasts were cut off, and that all of that took place in Kafan; he said that he was from Kafan, but he didn't introduce himself, he didn't say his first or last name. So he said all that when Muslimzade was there. Muslimzade spoke next. He spoke and said almost the same things that Bayramova said He said, "Brothers, Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev spoke and said that Karabagh would never, never be Armenian." And here he made a large pause. The crowd, of course, was jubilant. They started shouting again, "Ka-ra-bagh! Ka-ra-bagh!" This went on for two or three minutes. Then he said, "Brothers, we need to let the Armenians leave the city freely; once this kind of feud has started, once national issues have been opened up, strengths awakened, we need to let the Armenians leave." He also said, "Since ancient times there has been a law between the Azerbaijanis and the Armenians: blood for blood. And there was a time—he mentioned 1915—when there was a bloody slaughter, when many Armenians died, and many Azerbaijanis as well." He tried to calm that crowd down, he tried for about ten minutes. But! But I think—and this is just my personal opinion, and should be taken as such—he only incited the crowd with his speech. Why do I think that? 1 will try to explain. He ended his speech with the words, "Brothers, let the Armenians leave the city freely; the only thing I ask you, as brothers, as fellow countrymen, and as a Muslim . . . I'm a Muslim myself," he says, "is to let the Armenians leave." The crowd is rejoicing—why is it rejoicing? More than likely, because when he appeared they had probably expected him to shut down the demonstration, which he didn't do. Which he didn't do. I realized that the Azerbaijanis were afraid that would happen. And by trying to placate the crowd, by asking things of them, he merely further incited them. That's why I concluded he was trying to prod them on. What is "let them leave freely" supposed to mean? He was clearly giving them to understand that he would take no measures against the Azerbaijanis if they started killing. That's the only way I can read it.
That rally at the square lasted until six or six-thirty. So the crowd set off at about six-thirty in the evening. Muslimzade himself came down from the podium, walked around it on the left and blended into the crowd. When they left the square they set off along Lenin Street and intersected Nizami Street, and here I see them—the crowd is far from the square now, probably 300 yards already—I see them catch two guys. One of them, in all probability, is an adult. He was a solid man, with a bit of a belly, that's why I figured that he was older. The other was skinny. I concluded that he was young, all the same, 16 or 17 years old—if you can make out someone's build from 300 yards away—because he was agile. I'll explain why I decided he was agile. They crowded around these guys for two or three minutes, I don't know what was going on, I couldn't see it. I only know one thing: Muslimzade was in the crowd.
After two or three minutes I notice the skinny one spring out of the crowd. I should say that Lenin Square is a little higher up than Nizami Street. Nizami Street lies down a little, that's why I could see, not like it was right in front of my face, but I could see pretty well all the same. He jumps away from the crowd and takes off running down Lenin Street and runs into an entryway on Block 4.
The second one, when the crowd disperses (they milled around for another two or three minutes). . . the crowd disperses and an old man is left lying on the ground. This is all so bizarre for me that I turn and leave. I don't go any closer, I don't go over there at all because this is all so unacceptable that I just turn and go home.
An hour or hour and a half later someone calls us and says that they're breaking store windows in town, breaking into stores, bursting into homes and killing Armenians. Although this was hard to fathom, people don't joke about things like that all the same, and I didn't take it like I had taken everything at first. As I am remembering the details I start to regret that I didn't get my family out in time, the chance was there. We started to call the police, and the City Executive Committee. The police said measures were being undertaken, and not to call again. The City Executive Committee advised us to leave town. Well I said, leave town how? You help us, comrades. They said, whatever you want, just go, how can we help you? I say, with whom am I speaking, you could at least introduce yourself. It was the regular City Executive Committee number. The person tells me to hang up the phone and stop fouling the circuits. I hung up.
The next day, February 28, I wake up at around ten o'clock with every intention of going to the square. No longer out of curiosity, but in order to reconnoiter, and maybe remember something. So I get to the square by around eleven o'clock. There are about 600 to 700 people there. On the second day, in case I didn't say, there were 200 to 300.
So on the third day there are 600 to 700 people on the square alone. I see some colleagues from my shop. Well I go up to one of them. His name is Kyamran; I don't know his last name. I go up to him and say, "Kyamran, listen, what are you doing?" "Uh-huh," he says, "that's what those Armenians deserve. Yesterday," he says, "we went into an apartment and threw the grandfather out the window," he says, "Gummetov was there too."
This hits me like an electric shock. If I were shocked by 380 volts it would have been less powerful. As I said, I'm a duty electrician, I've been shocked by 380 volts before, and I lived, and I have to say that it was less of a shock than what he told me. It was so insane that he may have said something else, but I simply don't remember anything after that. I say it was just like an electric shock. The only thing that I remember from that Sunday is that I didn't see the Leader. The Leader wasn't there. He didn't give a speech.
So on Sunday I take my family to a friend's. We have been friends a long time, eight years already. Adil Alizade, an Azerbaijani, his mother is a Russian. A wonderful guy. I take my family to his place. We have one child, a boy, Misha, he's thirteen months old. Then Adil gets a warning, when peo-ple find out that Armenians are hiding at his place, "Watch out, we'll take your head off!"
On Monday, the 29th, Adil Alizade and I arm ourselves correspondingly, with sidearms, well, specifically, I have a small dagger, and nunchuks, karate nunchuks. Adil has an axe. He also has a dagger and a gun-cleaning rod, specially bent, on a chain, as if for karate. So we arm ourselves and go out. We go out and go to his work—he went there to ask for time off. Besides ours he, is hiding one other family. So no one will deny the fact that Azerbaijanis hid Armenians, it would be senseless to deny it. Nor can all Azerbaijanis be called scum.
The city's mass transit wasn't running. We went on foot and along the road to the plant noticed some details that indicated that the action was
planned.
The first thing I'd like to point out is that there was river rock on the streets, smooth and round, it was specifically river rock which had to be brought there or be from some iron and concrete structures. They lay there on the street the way they were thrown, that was the first detail.
Then, near the bus station (the road we took was past the BTZ plant), Adil Alizade and 1 see a burned Ikarus, then a second Ikarus, also burned, and overturned. As we go on we see a burned van, and further, a burned Zhiguli. The road continued on to the electric commuter train. We reach the old train station and turn toward the airline ticket office; there we see a pile of metal that doesn't resemble much of anything. We don't see police, nothing; we don't see any sort of guard or soldiers. We have already seen soldiers, we know they're in town, they were guarding the area around the bus station. And there isn't anyone near the airline ticket office, and there is a heap of metal lying in the street. I say, Adil, let's go look, just to see, what that is over there, formless, ball-shaped, a roundish pile of metal. We go up to it: Urals-brand motorcycles have kind of a ladder-shaped pattern stamped on the exhaust pipe. From this pattern we determine that at one time this was a police motorcycle. Then we turn and go further down Mir Street . . . yes . .. sorry, I'm going too fast. The second thing that confirms that this was planned: when we went by there it was 7:15; Adil had his watch on, his watch keeps perfect time (I've always envied him), it was 7:15 local time, and already then on Mir Street, in the building next to the airline ticket office, they were already plastering and renovating the buildings. This is at 7:15 in the morning. They are renovating apartments, putting in window frames . .. tearing out the burned ones and putting in new ones.
The third point. From Sunday morning until Monday, somewhere around noon, not a single telephone in the city worked. And the night of the 28th was Bartholomew's Night, that's what they call it in Sumgait, Bartholomew's
Night...
We went further away from the airline office, I return to the way we're going and continue. Further along is a burned Zhiguli. When we are five yards away from the Zhiguli we smell the strong smell of shish kabobs. I immediately say, "It smells like shish kabobs." Again, no guards, nothing; we go up there and all the seats were burned out, everything in the Zhiguli was burned out, and there were bones in there. Bones. They couldn't be dog bones in there, and so we don't stare too closely. We realize immediately that those are the bones of a person who was burned to death in the car. The car was completely scorched, both inside and outside. It was completely charred, nothing but the frame was left. From the frame we could tell it was a Zhiguli and not a Moskvich. And there was another burned car further along, in the reeds, along the trail of our investigation.
So we went to the plant and asked Adil's boss for time off. I don't have to go to work for three days, but that's the way it worked out: Saturday was my day off, but on Sunday I was supposed to go in. Sunday is when the butchering began, and I was warned, better not go out—they're stabbing, killing, and raping, and so on.
We returned from the plant and went to some acquaintances' for lunch. One of them is named Ilgar, and the other, a Tatar, is named Ruslan. Ruslan said that in the SK movie theater, which is across from the City Executive Committee, on the square, they are handling refugees. They have set up a sort of evacuee processing center where all the Armenians are going. If necessary they can summon guards.
Well, it should be said that Ruslan himself is a healthy guy, and the two of us can stick up for ourselves, and of course Ilgar is still with us (he's a Russian, why his name is Ilgar, I don't know). So the four of us take two families to the evacuation point, my family and the family of the Alizades' neighbors.
When we return (we have to go back to the first micro district for a girl and bring her, too), we see a picture that is burned into my memory. A soldier is walking toward the evacuation point carrying a girl of about 14 to 16. The insides of her legs, if you can put it that way, are covered with blood. She was unconscious, the girl. Well, following them was a woman of about 50, and she was literally tearing her hair out and screaming hysterically. This is in the literal sense of the word, tearing her hair out, she was throwing handfuls of hair away from herself...
So we take the girl from microdistict 1 to the evacuation point. The troops, the military, came with orders to put a halt to the genocide, this was clear enough. I talked with a sergeant who was protecting the Maternity Home, a sergeant from the Dzerzhinsky Division of the Military Police. He was telling me what had happened. After the incident at the Maternity Home, according to him, the order to shoot without warning was given. Before that, before March 2, the soldiers didn't have orders to shoot.
What is published in our press does not correspond to reality. Why? Because they are writing that the participants in the organized murders, Wefts, rapes, and arsons were basically all arrested. More than 80 people were arrested. And I think they should be. But according to Lieutenant General Krayev, there were 10,000 soldiers in the city at that time! Specialized troops, too: the Dzerzhinsky Division, the Marines, the Military police, the airborne troops, there was a fighter detachment there . . . And I just can't imagine, of course it hurts to imagine 18,000 Armenians hiding from a hundred frenzied Muslims. And these 18,000 Armenians were defended by 4,000 soldiers on the square. How can this be? Defended from whom? From a hundred frenzied Azerbaijanis? From a hundred raging hooligans? Where is the truth in our press? Where is the glasnost? Where is the justice?
Besides the troops I mentioned I should add the military medical; I forgot to say that right off. The guys from the internal forces were in a tight spot. The people from Sumgait who were in the neighborhood of the central square, Lenin Square, were ready to kiss the boots of the soldiers for what they did for us.
I saw one clash between the soldiers and the witches. I use the term witches because that's what it was, a sabbath, not a bandits' fight, but a witches' sabbath in its purest form. Near the bus station, when Adil Alizade and I returned, this was on Monday, the 29th, we see the following picture: The troops are standing there, and frenzied bandits are throwing stones at them. They do not yet have orders to shoot, I said that already; they were standing there and protecting themselves with shields. When people would approach them carelessly sometimes they would let them have it with the truncheons, but that was so rare! A lot of soldiers, of course, got hit in the face. In that clash two or three soldiers went down before my eyes.
On TV, by the way, they showed soldiers in bulletproof vests, but they didn't say why they were wearing bulletproof vests. And I, being in the square near the evacuation point, became curious, "Hey guys, how come you're wearing bulletproof vests?" They tell me, "Because we've already confiscated three TTSs." Well, anyone who is familiar with that kind of pistol knows that that weapon is classified "secret." When I was a warrant officer in the Army it was classified "top secret." That pistol is an enhanced mauzer. Where did they get classified pistols from? This also bespeaks the fact that the action was planned, confirming the genocide. The action was conceived and executed. It was an action directed against the Armenians. And for some reason this is not being mentioned in the press either.
I just remembered something else. The sergeant spoke of the Maternity Home. They were planning a pogrom of the Maternity Home. But it's a fact that when the soldiers came running in, they didn't have orders to shoot, they only had shields and truncheons. A fact that can't be denied: the soldiers faced armed bandits empty-handed. So according to the sergeant, 15 of those blockheads and around 30 soldiers were on the ground. At the clash at the Maternity Home. When they fought for the Maternity Home. I don't know if the ones on the ground were dead or injured, but they say that 15 of them and nearly 30 soldiers from the Military Police didn't get up again.
I mentioned several points which indicate that this was a planned action-Here is another: the police took part in all of it and assisted those marauders, those murderers. This is testified to by something I myself witnessed on Lenin Square. A major led one of the bandits by the scruff of the neck, this was on March 2. He took him to the local police and said, "Honestly," he says, "this is the third time I've caught this guy and this is the third time he's been armed." What can this mean? The military was catching them, and the police were letting them go. The police were helping those bandits. By the way, the local police disappeared somewhere on the 2nd. After the 2nd we didn't see them anymore, maybe they were transferred them somewhere, or maybe they abolished the force . . .
We were in the SK. I should describe the conditions there, it's interesting, too, from a historical point of view. For six days this club, which was designed to hold 450 people, held 4,000 Armenians. In the SK club alone. Some people were sleeping on the concrete in the foyer, or on the marble tiles, the people who could find a place to lie down. Those who couldn't find a place were in the balconies. And everyone else was sitting, they sat for six days inside the hall on the seats. They slept there, too, and ate there. We ate what the authorities gave us to eat, the authorities in the person of the military. We ate what the military gave us. For some reason I can't discuss this calmly.
We talked with the adjutant of the City Commandant, Lieutenant General Krayev's adjutant, during those days. At one point he said, "You guys, well in principle I myself am a witness to the fact that a panel truck drove up and distributed hashish, disposable syringes, and cases of vodka near the bus station. I saw that with my own eyes. He defended Lieutenant General Krayev himself when he tried to restrain that crowd, the crowd that was taking all those drugs. One of the bandits jumped him with a knife, and the adjutant protected him. I became convinced of the little guy's strength later on—he was about 5' 6" tall, a short little guy. He was in field uniform, so you couldn't see his rank. He didn't have any shoulder-boards on. He had camouflage on, with the leaves on it, like the reconnaissance patrol wears, with spots. That's why I couldn't tell what rank he was, even though I was a military man myself. In all probability he was no lower than lieutenant. Well anyway, I became convinced of his strength on the 7th. Lieutenant General Krayev's adjutant was taking one of the "comrades" somewhere. I was on the way to the City Executive Committee to give information to the KGB about two attacks of which I knew: the ones by Gummetov and that Kyamran. The Moscow and republic-level KGB were housed there in the City Executive Committee. Well, I see the adjutant taking the "comrade," who was about six feet tall and about twice as strong as he was. He was leading him with a pistol. Well I was surprised, of course. When the bandit turned to the side the adjutant returned him to his place and forced him to move with one movement of his arm. And he said to the person on duty: "This is the one who attacked Lieutenant General Krayev."
Perhaps all this information is a bit uncoordinated, but if you put it all together you end up with a previously planned action directed toward the destruction of the Armenians. Maybe within the confines of a single city, maybe, as they were shouting from the podium, maybe all the Azerbaijanis in Baku and all over the republic were to rise up and slaughter the Armenians. One of the regular people appealed to the crowd for this. This Was stated on the podium either on the 27th or the 28th, I don't remember. But there were calls for things like that, to incite Azerbaijanis throughout the republic and butcher all the Armenians. So what I want to say is that it was Purposeful destruction of the Armenian nationality.
I can add that despite the appeals that were heard, "Russian brothers, let's go kill the Armenians!," which I heard myself, despite this, the Russians would have suffered right after the Armenians. By the way, no one responded to that appeal, and probably no one would have.
When we were at the evacuation center a delegation of Sumgait Russian teachers came—we witnessed it. The delegation came with some signatures. I don't know how many they had, but there were probably 20 pages of signatures. They wrote that if the authorities gave Armenians the opportunity to leave the city, then the Russians would follow after them. We have a great many schools, and all the schools have Russian and Azerbaijani sections. And the Russian teachers signed that declaration. More than likely it wasn't only teachers' signatures, because there were 20 sheets there, a good-sized packet of them. If the Armenians leave, they said, there's no reason for us to be here, either.
In principle we're all peoples of the Caucasus, the Azerbaijanis, the Georgians, and the Armenians. We're all hot-blooded. Before all these events the Armenians could challenge the Azerbaijanis one on one. Challenge them one on one, and may the best man win. I've had to do that several times myself. We could do this at a time when the Russians were no longer able to. The Russians lost any voice in town a long time ago. It's easy to imagine what would have happened if all the Armenians had left the city: the Russians would have followed them into the other world. That's not only my opinion, that's the opinion the Russians themselves hold as well, and all the Armenians. I don't think I'm mistaken in voicing that opinion.
I would once again like to draw attention to the facts that even the investigators could not disprove. When I told them about the facts, they said, "Yes, yes, those things of course did happen, we're investigating them," and all the rest. Yes, and there's one fact that was confirmed by USSR Deputy Procurator General Katusev, the existence of lists of Armenians that they had with them. The woman who provided those lists has been arrested, that's what Katusev himself said. He was in Agveran, in the Ararat boarding house. And I'd like to note one more thing: the slaughter started immediately after the speech of Deputy Procurator General Katusev. It was right then. Right after that the slaughter began. On the 26th they weren't planning to kill, to stab, but after Katusev's speech on the 27th the stabbing started. And so naturally this all has to be summed up: it was only the pretext, the killings of the two Azerbaijanis. By whom and when they were killed the Deputy Procurator General has not yet reported.
Well, that's about all I have to say on the subject. I'd like to hope that the truth will be reconstructed.
May 10, 1988 Yerevan
